Antropova, V. V. 1971 Kul'tura i byt koriakov. Leningrad: Nauka. (she wrote the Koryak and Itelmen chapters in Levin and Potapov based on library sources) 3 Kamchatka fieldwork with Taksami in 1960 with A. I. Mukhlinov in 1961, 1964 introduction is subdivided into populatoin, language, names and self-appelations, local groups 16 Lang: Stebnitsky had 9 dialects, provisionally 1) Chavchuven, 2) Kamenski, 3) Apukinski, 4) Paren, 5) Itkanski, 6) Aliutor, 7) Karaga, 8) Palana, 9) Kerek 16 Skorik and others seperate Kerek into separate language 4 dialects: 1) Chavchuven, 2) Apukinski, 3) Paren, 4) Kamenski Aliutor: Aliutor, Karaga, Palana, Ukinsky Nazvanie i samonasvanie name "Koriaki" as official name of the people attested in documents from the middle of the 17th C scholars agree that name comes from Koryak word qor(ak) meaning deer (with, at, having) 17 Koryaks didn't have one self-appelation. deer herders called selves chawchu (deer herder, rich in deer) in Aliutor, herders called themselves nymyl?-aremku "nomadic resident" settled Aliutors called themselves nymyl?yn "resident, town-dweller" thus the Russian term Nymylan, which became popular among scholars in 1929-30, but didn't gain wide acceptance "Krome ukaznnikh vyshe samonazvanii, koriaki ochen' chasto imenuiut sebia po mestu obitaniia, ..." Koryaks often refer to themselves as the residents of a particular place, e.g. vyvnal?o (Vyventsi), Vaykenal?u (Kamentsi), etc. Local groups two groups in terms of socio-economics: 1) nomadic deer herders 2) settled fishers, sea-mamal hunters Deer herders formed more or less one cultural group. Settled Koryaks were divided into several territorial groups, differing in language and culture. K. Dittmar had four groups of settled: 1) Kamen, Paren-Penzhinski Bay 2) Palana-west coast Kamchatka from Woyampolka to Pustoretsk; 3) Ukintsi-east coast Kamchatka south of Karaga; 18 4) Aliutor-north-east coast Jochelson divded out Paren (and Kuel) from Kamen, and added Itkana (3 villages on Itkana Point), Kereks (northernmost group of Koryaks) to list Stebnitski considered his list of 9 dialects to designate 9 cultural groups (narodnosti) Chavchuven are about 1/2 of all Koryaks Aliutors were 1/4 total pop: Tymlat, Kichiga, Anapka, Vyvenka, Tilichiki, Kultushino, Oliutorka, Khailino, Vetvei, Rekiniki Aliutor herders had closest tieds with settled, Stebnitsky claimed that Alutor herders had brothers living in villages Herders and settled all spoke Aliutor dialect, now considered separate language Palana considered dialect of Aliutor, included villages of Woyampolka, Kakhtana, Palana, Kinkil', Lesnaia, Podkagernoe more fur hunting and trade than other groups 19 Kamentsi in 9 villages: Mamech, Talovka, Kamenskoe, Lyvaty, Ornochek, Yagach, Shestakovo, Mikino, Tylkhoi sea hunters, Kamen dialect Parent and Itkana closest to Kaments in econ, different dialects: Paren (Paren, Kuel) and Itkana (Bol'shaia Itkana, Yuzhnaia Itkana, Malaia Itkana) Karaga: fishermen in Karaga, Dranka, Ivashka-more Russianized than other groups since the beginning of 18th C (this is group called "Ukintsi" by Ditmar and Jochelson) Apukintsi northern neighbors of Aliutors, along coast of Bering Sea from the Pakhach River north to Nataliia Bay Now Kereks are located n the ChNO "Aside from the indicated 9 local groups, there were settled Koryak populations, which even in the end of the 19th C were difficult to count in this or that group." 20 The Okhotsk Koryaks were already becoming assimilated to Russians, not speaking in their language or speaking it wrong. (Jochelson 436, who comments that they are mixed with Tungus and even Yakut, but often speak Tungus) 21 Part I: Koryaks at the end of 19th, beginning of 20th centuries. Chapter 1: Special views of economic activities of the Koryak (Chapter draws on Jochelson, Stebnitsky, Ditmar, Beretti, Arsinev, and others) 60-70% Aliutors herded deer according to Stebnitsky 51% of all Koryaks herded deer according to 1897 census 54.8% according to 1926/27 subarctic census Koryak herding together with Chukchi is classed as "tundra deer herding" primitive deer weakly domesticated 22 Koryaks and Chukchi didn't use herding dogs Koryaks and Chukchi "didn't know" use of saddle or pack deer, which made summer migrations more difficult normal herds 400-2000, more than 2000 head difficult to manage average owner had 478 deer or 42 head per person Aliutor herders were more diversified than Chavchuven, which was closer to herding monoculture "Deer gave Chavchuvens all necessities." account similar to "used every part of the buffalo 23 description of migration practices among Chavchuven 24 Aliutor herding practices different: much small herds (500-600), averaging 150 per household not enough deer to sustain people, more diversified econ with fishing, hunting 10% of the deer owned by settled relatives in town Stebnitsky considered Aliutor herding to be a development from a fishing-based culture based on Aliutor calendar, which had months named for fishing season and not on herding season like Chavchuven Aliutor provide example of movement from fishing-hunting economy to herding. 25 Apukintsi provide example of herders moving towards a fishing-hunting economy. Example of Taigonos Koryaks who lost herds in early 20th C and had to fall back on fishing and hunting. Fishing most developed among Karaga, Aliutors, and Palana: "for them fish was the basic means of sustenance." Fishing less important for Penzhinsky maritimes and Aliutor herders fishing was riverine or from the beach, not on the sea - almost entirely salmon 26-27 2 MAE picture sof Koryak men fishing from beaches in rubber boots and factory clothes descriptions of techniques with nets 28 picture of net set in river with poles description of fish traps (corridors), and other tools, harpoons (drawn on page 30) Palana Koryak tech similar to Itelmen 31 Kamchatkan fishing industry developed in early 20th mainly due to Japanese adversely affected native fishing 32 Sea-mamal hunting food, boats, footware 33-34 skin boat construction, picture 35 seal hunting techniques 36 Comparing maritime hunting among Koryak groups, one can notice that it is more primitive on the west coast than on the east. At the beginning of the 20th c. the Karagas and Aliutors and Apukas had started using rifles in place of harpoons, and rifles became the basic hunting weapon; they stopped using nets and kayaks. On Penzhina Bay traditional sea-hunting tools were still in use at that time, although even here the harpoon was gradualy being replaced by firearms. Even in the beginning of the 30s, Penzhinsky Koryaks were still widely using nets. In 1932 in Itkana, animals were hunted with nets 44.8%, rifles 39.3%, and harpoons 15.9%. Preserving traditional means had its logic. For instance, using harpoons didn't scare resting seals like gunshots, and they were preferred when hunting seals at their breeding grounds. 36-37 whaling and beluga whales 37 Land hunting fur hunting was developed among all groups, but not a major activity in any cash, trade with Europeans, yasak 38 foxes tracked (on skis or deer sled) and shot with gun, preferably in head 39 wolf considered relative to humans and not hunted except in cases when attacking herd or other extreme circumstances 40 traded for useful items, but also cheated in fur trade, especially when furs traded for alcohol hunted wild deer, sheep, bear 41 especially in famine years used skins, horns in clothing, bedding, utensils bear hunting techniques 42 bird hunting only occasional Dogs mainly sled dogs, didn't know herd dogs, hunting dogs only recently used 43 Village production from Rusians, milk cows, horses, vegetables milk production almost nil, only at administration's behest hay season conflicted with fishing season 44 lack of veggies due to short season, primitive tech, Koryaks not interested in acty Domestic production wood and bone, weaving, skins, metalwork, some stonework at turn of C 45 "Judging by archeological finds, ancient Koryaks knew pottery." sled making, boats, tools, etc. only settled Koryaks wove - only women roots, grass, purchased thread: sacks and bags, baskets 46 drawings of tools made from wood & metal 47 Bogoraz attested that Tigilsky Koryaks most famous weavers skin preparation 48 foto of marine mamal skins drying on hillside 49 stone hammers, axes metalworking known before Russian contact The center of Koryak metalworking in 19th and 20th Cs were Paren and Kuel. Smithed only iron, tin and brass only cold. 50 smiths made a wide assortment of iron knives and other tools smiths not singular professionals, but also hunters, fishers Russian traders supplied iron and bought finished products for trade farther north Paren was connected with Gizhiga, Anadyr, and annual fairs by regular trade routes 51 Chapter 2: Material Culture Nomadic and settled ways of life of Koryaks was especially expressed in daily life of various types of shelters and various tmeans of transport among herdering and settled populations, as well as in the fod, utensils, clothing items and detailing, etc. Local particularities in the culture varied among different groups of settled Koryaks. Shelter nomadic Koyaks used yaranga (note: also used among Chukchi, Eskimos, and some groups of Evens, who apparently borrowed it from Koryaks). 52 picture of yaranga Chukchi usually smaller, different in other small details 53 picture of means of storing (winter) stuff in the tundra Tigil Chavchuven fished more than other herders, and their fishing camps included grass tents on elevated platforms, like among Nymylani settled Koryaks had semi-underground homes 54 picture of simple storage platform 55 drawings of semi-underground houses, from MAE photos east coast houses didn't have the upper snow-shield of heavy logs that western Koryaks used - here Rekiniki Aliutors had houses like Penzhinsky and different from other Aliutorski 56 drawing from MAE photo of sod house, used by Karaga Koryaks 58 winter village of Palana Koryaks was 10-30 km from the coast, and moved downstream for summer fishing villages bigger villages of Apukinktsev were in Apuka and Pakhacha Kereks had winter houses like Nymylans and summer tents like yarangas 59 picture of huts on poles 60 picture of pyramidal grass hut on raised platform Utensils zhirnik light beds, "tables", lack of chairs 61 dishes wooden fireboard in every household, even though matches were commonly used - used only in rituals 62 drawings of utensils 63 picture of basket and picture of woven grass bag 64 fireboard especially used on day of meeting the deer herd after the summer migration cites Jochelson that the fireboard was the most important family heirloom Food all Aliutor herders and some herders in Tigilsky raion prepared yukel themselves and relied on fish for a substantial part of their diet 65 kislaia ryba was starvation food plants collected and used in food 66 use of flour, tee, sugar, etc. mukhamor, alcohol, tobacco Clothing closed fronts, like among Chukchi, Itelmen, and Eskimo double-layered 67 photo of man's plain parka with hood 68 photo of man's outer winter pants parka's and pants are differentiated only by gender, not group 69 hats note-kapora (bonnet) same style among Chukchi kamleyka on the road - protected fur clothing from snow women's combination suit 70 4 pictures of hats, identified by town of origin, they are all different in style 71 picture of woman's combination suit 72 picture of woman's outer parka with fur in and bead strings attached 73 Koryaks didn't have special work clothes, although settled Koryaks did use smoked or dog-skin clothes for wet work like fishing, marine hunting ritual clothing: funerary and dancing clothes ritual clothes (dancing at special rituals) was marked by rich, characteristic [of that group?] ornamentation description of funerary costume 74 photo of woman in summer parka (looks like a kamleyka to me) 75 differences in clothing among local groups - evidence is meager and not summarized diff. between herder and settled in materials used (sea mamal, dog more among settled) herders wore shorter parkas and longer boots: more comfortable on deer sled Gizhiginski and Tigilski had parkas with big fur collars other minor differences noted turn of C Palana, Karaga, Gizhiga Koryaks already had a lot of Russian clothes 76 photo of Penzhinsky torso and hood "nakomarnik" 77 decoration of clothing: juxtaposition of light and dark deer fur in stripes or checks beads metal jewelry many decorations functioned as protective amulets 78 photo of decorative details on winter parkas 79 hairstyles Transportation herders' only transport animal was deer settled mosty used dog Aliutor herders used both some Aliutors used horses of course no snow = on foot water transport primitive, rivers not convenient, sea routes difficult so groups were isolated from one another snowless months winter they undertook often very long journeys for visiting, trade, and dealing with Russian administrators 80 drawings of different deer sleds for personnel and cargo 81 (bottom) dogs better than deer for long journeys 82 settled Palana and Aliutor herders also used horses boats 83 skiis 84 Chapter 3: Social and Domestic Relations "The backward economy of the Koryak in the pre-Revolutionary period corresponded with archaic forms fo social production." "The development of social relations of Koryak strongly expressed particularities of economic (khoziaistvennoi) details of separate local gropus and the stage of influence of outside factors, in the first place the Russian state and the local Russian population." Aspects of Social Organzition of Reindeer herding Koryaks economic and social life of Chavchuvens was in the herding camp 2-5 tents - group who herded deer together in one herd 85 those with few deer ran theirs together with a rich owner, and were economically dependent on him herding camps were rarely composed of economically equal households client-patron relationships among kinsmen were the norm in camp formation the camp patron lived in tent with wife or wives, children, married sons, and even married daughters, especially when son-in-law didn't have many deer he was also a ritual leader several neighboring camps formed a loose territorial group Bauerman wrote that the basis of organization fo such unions laid in consciousness of singular descent from a common ancestor 86 88 land commonly held by group - boundaries defined by rivers or other natural features, generally known which herds migrate where 89 deer privately held by individual person gets deer from parents at birth and on other occasions, irrespective of gender rights of inheritence of deer only by blood relatives 90 breakdown of wealth distribution those with few deer frequently left one camp and unity with another 91 more than half of deerless people had worked for a rich man less than three years in 1931 93 Aliutor Herders differed from Chavchuven in several socio-economic relations. herds were much smaller: 500-600 head 4-6 households united their small herds into a larger one supplemented with fishing and maritime hunting not as great a difference between richest and poorest in terms of deer - all were relatively similar in wealth and way of life also some settled people owned deer at herd the head herder was not necessarily the weathiest, as among Chavchuven, but the elder relative 93-94 Aliutor's complex economy meant they were an exception to the pattern of intertribal exchanage which played such a large roll among other local groups 94 Aspects of social organization of Settled Koryaks Penzhinsky most traditional for various reasons 106-108 position of women, marriage, children 109 Part II: Koryaks in the years of Soviet Power Chapter 1: National-state construction "The Great October Socialist Revolution freed the small peoples of the North from the colonial yoke and laid the begining of a new, non-capitalist path for their development. The Declatation of right of the peoples of Russa, passed by the Soviet of People's Comissars 15 Nov. 1917, declared the equality and sovereignty of all peoples of Russia. But the small peoples of the North, in view of their economic, political, and cultrual backwardness, could not take advantage of their rights, laid out for them by the Declaration." studying the situation, the party developed a program for the "transition from the precapitalist relations of production to socialism, bypassing the capitalist stage." "The practical development of the Leninist plan of non-capitalist path of development was worked out in the 10th Party Congress. Liquidation of national inequalities, as noted in the resolution ... 'it is a lengthy process, demanding stubborn and continual battle with all survivals of the national yoke and colonial slavery.'" "The Congress also declared that Party assistance was essential for the liquidation of actual 110 inequalities of backwards peoples, in order for these peoples to be able to develop and strengthen among themselve soviet state power, to develop in their own language school education, a press, theater, etc., and to accelrate the preperation of natinal cadres." Soviet construction didn't begin among Koryaks right away because of th civil war in the Far East until 1922. Kamchatka was isolated from the rest of the mainland most of that time. (account of soviet struggle on Kamchatka at that time, mostly in PK) 112 many Koryaks and Itelmens became partisans with the Soviets after violent outrages perpetrated by the contingent of White Guards in Kamchatka Soviet revolutionary leader in PK wrote that local natives were crucial in the fight for Kamchatka 113 M. A. Sergeev wrote that Aliutors fought with Red Army to liquidate last remnants of Whites near Korf Bay. 114 duties of KP workers among natives 1) study the conditions of daily life of the native population 2) Election agitation--- khoda revolution, extent of Soviet regime, relationship between Soviet regime and native population, goals and tasks or "rodovie" meetins and podovii departments (upravlenie) all this stuff was supposed to be in pamphlets, posters, etc. in native language 3) conduct elections 115 Kamchatka KPSS of open letter to nomadic natives (translated in Kuoljok 58-59) 116 first elections in village soviets for Kamchatka gov. was in early 1926 1926: The Koryak Native Raion was founded in Tigil, united 5 native soviets 117 "The successes of the soviet construction in the North in 1920-24 enabled a move to permitting the basic task of the political party in the national question in the region of the North: the liquidation on all sides the economic and cultural backwardness of the population of those areas, and the planning of involvement of the party in the socialist construction." 118 political organization of natives was established among settled in 1926 and among nomads in 1930 on Kamchatka "The artificially defined Koryak "clans" of the Tsarist yasak tax roles had become all mixed together." Already by the 1897 census, there were many Koryak groups who didn't know which "clan" they belonged to. 1928- the Eastern (Karaginsky & Aliutorski) and Western (Penzhinsky) Koryak Native Raions were added to the one created in 1926 119 Soviets took advantage of annual Apuka fair to propagandize among nomads and conduct elections 121 "Success in the field of economic and cultural construction, growing political activism and national self-consciouness of the population, work experience in the organs of self-governance they founded realistic prerequisites for the transition of small peoples of the North to a higher form of statehood, to national autonomy." 10 Dec. 1930 Koryak National Okrug founded, along with 7 others KNO was founded with the center in Penzhinksy kultbaza, and it was moved to Palana in 1935 note 48: first it was outside the Far Eastern Territory, then in 1932 KNO made part of Kamchatka Oblast. In 1953 the western part of Penzhinksy raion was allocated to the new Magadan Oblast 122 April 1932: first okrug congress of soviets, considered problems of reinvigorating native economy (fishing, hunting, herding), industrializing and mechanization of native fishing, and development of native health and cultural construction in 1930s the work of Soviets became much more significant in native people's lives "The first deputy to the Supreme organ of power of the USSR, the Soviet of Peoples (natsional'nostei), was elected Karaginsky Koryak M. M. Obukhov." 123 work for WWII 125 Chapter 2: Economic construction (1922-1965). 20s really tough for North and Kamchatka because of effects of WWI and Civil War. little or no stuff available for Kamchatka, made local fishing and hunting difficult (no nets, guns, etc.) Japanese overfished Kamchatkan salmon stocks 126 blames huge fall in deer herds on Whites taking deer for supplies and transport 127 Transformation of the Economy cooperation was the first step in the path to socialist transformation second half of 20s among settled Koryaks - integrating cooperation in supplying and processing functions including Paren smithing 128 1928 Paren blacksmith organized into formal collective "In the Koryak National Okrug, as in other Northern Territories, in view of the economic and cultureal backwardness of the population, massive collectivization began only in the beginning of the 30s, after the organization of the Koryak national okrug." collectivization was based upon traditional activities, which meant in Kamchatka, fishing, hunting, and herding 129 serious mistakes were made in the speed and nature of collectivization, retarding the economic development of the indigenous population 130 "Serious mistakes happened also in the conductionof class politics of the party in relation to the various social groups of the indigenous population of the okrug." 132 united specialist kolkhozes into bigger, diversified enterprises 1951 - united the reindeer kolkhoz and fishing kolkhoz in Voyampol'ko in the mid 1950s all the kolkhozes were diversified in fishing, herding, dairy production, vegetable growing in Penzhina many kolkhozes were consolodated 133 Itkana association (tobarishchestvo) was folded into Paren kolkhoz Iskra, which was later combined with Manily kolkhoz 22nd Congress CPSU, which had been formed from collectives from the villages of Old Kamenskoe, Shestakova, Mikino, and collective "Deer Herder" some Penzhina kolkhozes were transferred to Magadan Oblast in 1953 all kolkhozes did everything, except Iskra in Paren, which lacked reindeer herding Aliutorsky Raion: getting former herders to fish failed, Chukchi, Koryaks, and Evens together in such artels wanted to herd deer, and they went to the Korf deer sovkhoz 1958 - four former kolkhozes were allocated to the independent Pakhachi sovkhoz and the population attached to the fifth (Kirov) remained with Korf sovkhoz 134 Year Kolkhozes Sovkhoz 1950 46 4 1956 31 3* 1962 17 5 1969 7 7 1970 ? 8 KAO: *in 1953 Upper Paren sovkhoz switched to Magadan and in 1958 Talovski sovkhoz made separate from Penzhinski, sovkhoz data from page 142 1970 total page 156 Sovkhoz data also from p 161 following a 1957 directive of the Central Committee, "On the means of further development of economy and culutre of the peoples of the North," kolkhozes were given large material aid, including mechanization thus kolkhozes could modernize fishing fleets and processing, increase mechanical transport (tractors, motorboats, etc.) lists mechanical equipment of various kolkhozes 135 in addition to kolkhoz consolidation, ag and herding artels were folded into fishing kolkhozes these consolidated kolkhozes were "divisions" inside the larger organizations, thus often only central administration and accounts were consolidated 136 Fishing most kolkhoz production is from fishing mechanizations, centralization, and industrialization of fishing enterprises saw big gains in productivity 138 some kolkhozes didn't get modern sein boats until mid 1960s 140 Reindeer Herding 2nd place in KNO economy Only indigenous population practices deer herding, with the exception of specialists (veterinarians, technicians, etc.)-Koryaks, Chukchi, Evens, and Chuvantsi. They use centuries of experience and skills of vypasa of deer." the basis was the same as prerevolutionary practices, but the indigenous population didn't know the rational use of pasturage to maximize grazing ranges, let alone vet. medicines primitive techniques made herds susceptible to epidemics, predators, infestations, and even a rich herder could become poor in one bad year 141 "like any extensive economy, Koryak herding carried a natural character. Commercial production for export was insignificant." Table 5 Data collected during 1926-27 subarctic census. Part of Penzhina raion (and its deer and people) were transferred to Magadan Oblast in 1953 Raion Koryak Even Evenk Chukchi Chuvantsi All Nomad Settled Total Penzhina 85190 85190 2669 15644 13816 19703 137022 Tigil 38407 38407 2851 41258 Karaga (Oliutor)15098 546 15644 5161 65479 86284 Totals 138695 546 139241 10681 15644 79295 19703 264564 142 "Socialist reconstruction of the herding industry went along the lines of founding large, state-owned enterprises (sovkhozes) and production of collectivized nomadic population." Two sovkhozes were founded in 1931-32 in Penzhina and now Oliutor. Their growth was retarded by lack of supplies and equipment, specialists, trained/experienced workers, and deer. Most of their herd increases were from buying deer from rich owners rather than production. 1940: Upper Paren sovkhoz founded (now Magadan Oblast) 1944: Talovski separated from Penzhinsky sovkhoz and made independent 1958: Pakhachinski sovkhoz founded on base of four kolkhozes 143 1949-55 minister for ag organized scientific expeditions to study tundra for geological and biological studies, deer carrying capacity, etc. as well the economics of kolkhozes and sovkhozes were studied 144 after the reports from these scientific expeditions/studies, de facto practices were codified -brigade style of herding, pasture rotation, "emergency pasture" set aside 146 Year #deer 1932 142,578 1935 96,685 1940 125,423 1945 172,199 1950 161,144 1955 130,891 1960 140,176 1964 150,027 1955-58 were bad years for a lot of reasons, not least of which was weak reaction on the part of locals The great increase after 1959 is due to organizational improvements among enterprises, new pay schedule "The introduction of a new, progressive form of paymentment for herders' work and improvement in their general conditions had a great significance." 147 "In 1965 by all basic measures in the growth of herding, the okrug took first place in the RSFSR, for which it was awarded transfering the Red banner of the Soviet of ministers of the RSFSR and VTsSPS and first monetary prize." Pakhachi and Penzhinskii sovkhozes were the strongest in herding, winning prizes regularly the okrug supplies the whole Kamchatka Oblast with deer meat fully meets the needs of the indigenous population of the okrug and 70% of the workers and staff of fishing enterprises Fur Hunting 148 Tigil was most important in fur hunting, especially sable fur hunting is not significant in kolkhoz production, and it has fallen in significance since 1958 149 gospromkhoz set up in 1964 and took over hunting management Sea Mamal Hunting 150 table of Koryak sea mamal hunting participation and kill sea mamal hunting was a minor activity for Palana Koryaks as typical of Aliutor practices, a large percentage of nomads in Karaginsky and Oliutorsky raions practiced sea hunting 151 increase in Penzhinsky sea hunting in 1930s coincided with decrease of reindeer herds 152 Non-traditional Production: Domestic Animals (in kolkhozes) 1926-27 census: only 8 kolkhozes had substantial cattle (18+ head) this was mostly in Palana and other settled Tigil Koryaks dairy production increased in other kolkhozes during WWII by the fifties, all kolkhozes operated animal farms 153 by Jan 1970, the okrug had 2017 head of cattle milk production had increased 1.5 times from 1958 to 1964 Tigil was most productive in milk every kolkhoz had some horses, usually for small jobs: hauling firewood, hay, water, summer transport between local villages, 154 used to haul deer brigade stuff, supplies from town to herd Vegetable farming hectors farmed 1923 10 Most: potatoes 1940 152 Second: cabbage 1950 453 Tigilski raion most successful in veggies 1960 465 1965 256 155 Bird (chicken) farming only in kolkhozes and sovkhozes, Koryaks don't do it on their own (like veggies, etc.) youngest industry in kolkhoz production 1962 - 9 kolkhozes had chickens, producing eggs for sale 156 photo of chicken barn with yard out front developing reindeer herd has been successful It has been concentrated into 8 large, government enterprises (sovkhozes) and occupies second place in diversified economy of kolkhozes. 157 among traditional activities in soviet times, the most substantial changes have been in fishing 158 Chapter 3: Development of Social Relations Socialist property 159 initial socialist collectives and kolkhozes were organized on the base of traditional unions of hunters and herders "It follows to repeat, that the process of forming social property was carried out more intensively among settled Koryaks of the eastern regions than in the western ones." 160 "The process of founding social property among Koryak-Chavchuvens was somewhat different than among settled." "The unequal distribution of deer formed the basis of economic dependence." camps of collectivized Chavchuvens moved close to characteristics of Aliutor herders in several ways. economic activities diversified into fishing and fur hunting, as small herds couldn't support all needs 161 deer herding sovkhozes were founded on the basis of kolkhoz property 1958: Pakhachi 1966: Polar Star 1968: Tigil and Palana 1970: Karaginky Participation of Koryaks in social production currently the majority of Koryaks work in material production 162 also some Koryaks in culture staff, health care, and party and soviet organs the greatest percentage of the working population is engaged in fishing 1) most in processing 2) shore fishing 3) sea fishing in general one can observe the weak level of participation of Koryaks and other indigenous northerners in the fishing industry one among many reasons is the low role of tradition in this activity Koryaks found it difficult to fish in modern, industrial manner In the end of the semiletki 800 indigenous people worked in deer herding, mostly Koryaks. This is because herding requires extensive experience and skills that one must start training in childhood." trying to get settled Koryaks to herd deer, like Paren or Kamenskoe, has had no positive results 163 brigades are organized so that herders are frequently relieved in order to spend 2-4 weeks in town with their family. This also promotes cultural development "Resolving problems connected with employment of the indigenous population meat with several difficulties. It was difficult to find acceptable work for women in deer herding. Women could be used only in limited fashion, 164 as "tepee workers," the rest only in seasonal work. Organization in the last years in many collectives workshops for sewing fur clothing and processing skins engaged a considerable part of the unemployed female population in socially useful labor." describes brigade organization 1967: out of 40 brigades in Penzhina, 18 had deer technicians or vet assistants (feldshare) 165 big changes in social consciousness of indigenous pop they accepted socialism and Soviet ways of thinking about labor and workers has increased meat production and living standards 166 Familial relations 167 under the influence of new socio-economic factors, patriachicalism of prerevolutionary Koryak families has declined, material conveniences have grown, and workers in kolkhozes and sovkhozes now have self-sufficient, small, individual families (i.e. look European/modern) extended families no more, married children live separate from parents 168 women working more and getting higher education under soviet power many Koryaks don't register their marriages 169 Ethnic processes "Socialist transformation in the Koryak National Okrug was facilitated by the assimilation of its multinatinal population. At the same time, cooperative work and spiritual commonality of the Russian and indigenous populations fo the okrug lead to the growth and strengthening of international ties, based on the equality and friendship of peoples." ethnic processes consist mostly of the consolidation of previously monolingual groups into larger ones and assimilation by small peoples of the North to the Russian people. consolidation and concentration of indigenous peoples began in the 1930s and was especially intensive in the 1950s by 1941 the Kamenskoe Koryaks, previously in 9 different villages, were in 4: Kamenskoe, Shestakovo, Mikino, Talovka in 1951 all were settled into the new villages of Manily this was repeated throughout the okrug "With the organization of sovkhozes and kolkhozes began the process of concentration of deer nomads. Scattered and isolated Koryak camps were united in large enterprises. This led to the settlement of nomads and the founding of new towns for them. Such were formed new settlements Slautnoe, Achaivayam, Upper Pakhacha, Voyampolka-kochevaia, Sedanka-kochevaia, Palana-kochevaia and other economic and 170 cultural centers of deer herding sovkhozes and kolkhozes. Collectivizing centers provided for a strengthening of contacts between separate, uncoordinated groups of nomadic Koryaks, strengthening their economic, social, and familial ties." uniting herding and fishing kolkhozes united settled and nomadic Koryaks, which brought them closer together socially Manily had mutually unintellible dialects, especially between Chavchuven and Kamentsi herders have preserved more of their traditions than settled, for example, hair styles, tatoos tradition is present in the fact that no Kamentsi work in herdin brigades 171 even though Paren kolkoz "Iskra" was combined into Manily's 22nd Congress CPSU, Parentsi refuse to move to the other village 172 Evens in KNO heavily influenced by Koryaks mixed marriages, Evens, Kereks-Chukchi, etc. "They [Koryaks] have borrowed many elements of Russian material and spiritual culture, which has greatly enriched their traditional culture and changed daily life (byt)." "Through schools, culture centers, radio, kino, press, etc. Koryaks can take part in now high achievements not only of Russian, but also world culture. The Russian language plays a large role in the assimilation of Koryaks to the Russian population. Mastering the cultural value for such peoples as Koryaks was possible only with its help. The Russian language in service of the Koyrak National Okrug is an international language. Koryaks run to it when conversing with Evens and Itelmens, Itelmens with Evens, etc. The whole indigenous population expresses itself to Russians in Russian." 174 Chapter 4: Transformation of Daily Life much of this chapter comes from data collected in our expeditions Changes in Material Culture biggest changes in housing semi-underground houses disappeared from Penzhina last, beginning 1950s 175 yaranga held out to the 1960s housing construction was a high priority from the beginning of KNO "Already in the 1930s plans were developed to replace traditional types of housing with more well-constructed and more answerable to sanitary and hygennic requirements. In early 30s engineer Svin'in designed wood houses for Koryaks and Chukchi which were round like a yaranga with a conical roof, insulated walls, windows, door to a corridor sheetmetal roof, iron stove in the middle like a traditional hearth "Such 'kruglie' houses, as they were typically called, were used mainly for public buildings in culture, economic, and medical spheres (schools, hospitals, stores, etc). They were rarely used as residences." house construction slow during and just after war construction grew dramtically during the seven-year plan and the 8th 5-year plan materials come from the mainland 176 photo of Palana looking east from Obukhova(50s?) 177 photo of "typical kolkhoz house" "A big love among Koryaks is the use of wall rugs. ONe can find them in each house." many continue to use low tables, in keeping with tradition 178 fishing camps use cloth tents, yukel dried in traditonal means "In connection with uniting kolkhozes many villages were made bigger and the majority were moved to more comfortable places. This was dictated by the requirements to bring closer the central grounds of the kolkhozes to the raion center, to the industrial and supply bases, to sea and other means of connection." This meant building new settlements based on a typical plan, including Karaga, Rekinikiki, Manily, Kovran, others. 179 Rekinniki was deep in the tundra until 1947, hard to supply with goods-zemlyanki kolkhoz admin moved it to 12 km from the mouth of the river - sod houses 1957 - wanted to replace sod houses with wood, materials hard to get to location, so moved again to the mouth of the Pustoy river "Transferring the kolkhoz center closer to the shore answered also the interests of developing the economics of the kolkhoz." must note that new locations are not always well suited for indigenous population "Irrespective of the population amount in each national village of the okrug there are the following: a school (elementary and secondary), internat, preschool, club, hosptial or clinic, stores, bakery, banya, other services, and often a cafeteria. All settlements have electricity and radio connections. From the past are preserved some few details: various native-style storehouses, dog run/yard, sometimes a yaranga standing next to a herder's wooden house." one can also see sleds stored on the roof, and boats in front 180 photograph of yaranga next to a house the trend toward enlargening kolkhozes continues today "The central estate grows on account of resettlement of kolkhozniks from other villages which were subsections of the main kolkhoz. This is for many reasons. The central kolkhoz provides the basis for more advantageous living conditions, so it is provides the means for major construction Also, the secondary school usually is located inthe central kolkhoz villages, and parents move there to be with children. Thus some villages become very large unjustifiably. With resettlement, for example, often good gardens or hayfields are abandoned, and the greater distance from herding brigades makes if more difficulat to maintain regular connections." one of the biggest problems in developing the socialist transformation in the KNO is improving transport and replacing traditional transport with modern means. The solution is air transport 181 air transport has become the greatest single means of communication (of people) cars, trucks, boats, etc. dog and deer sleds still used, especially in Penzhina 182 contemporary clothing is a mix of traditional and purchased clothing form varies by region, and sometimes from one village to another manufactured clothing is most common, traditional is often accessories: hats, gloves, maybe pants, etc. 183 winter clothes more often reindeer fur, but "vatta" also used 184 "Koryaks learned well how to wash their clothes." food, trad and "new" dishes 185 "Contemporary material culture of the Koryaks spurs a deep transformation in their daily life. Instead of zemlyanki, they have begun to live in houses, use electric lights, contemporary furniture, sheets & blankets, etc." "Traditional transportation (dogs and deer sled) give way to mechanization. Many types of national clothing has disappeared, replaced by previously unknown things, like underwear, etc. These new elements determine a further development of material culture of the Koryak, reducing outdated, obsolete forms. Contemporary material life of the Koryak is gradually approaching that surrounding (okruzhayushchii) the Russian population." Transformation byta of herders "The restructring of daily life of the herding populatoin was accompanied by large difficulties. In of itself, the nomadic way of life no only impeded, but ovten placed unspecified barriers for liquidating econo-cultural (khoziaistvenno-kul'turnoi) backwardness, founding normal everyday-life conditions, conducting political education and sanitary-hygenic work. In these conditions settlement became the foundation and 186 very important part of socialist transformation of the economy, culture, and daily life of reindeer herders." began in 1930s with collectivization "Normal, Russian economic activities weren't even possible without some sort of settlement..." started with permanent yarangas set up with kolkhoz admin and schools housed in them - special waypoints for herding populations near existing settlements (Palana, Vayampolka, Sedanka), or alone as bases (Ayanka) Sometimes herders were based in existing new towns, like Manily. These permanent yarangas were eventually replaced by houses. "The move to settlement of even familys of nomads went slowly and with great difficulties. For the replacement of yarangas with more advantageous housing, more means were required. Aside from that, the liquidation of the everyday-life (culture, daily habits) of nomadism called for the fracture of all old ways of life of the deer herder, which, certainly, complicated the move to settlement." 187 "Even with good housing, Koryak herders had difficulty abandoning the habits of old life: yaranga, polog, cooking over a fire, and so on, all the more so, since the majority of the year he was with the herd and in town only for a visit." "The liquidation of daily life of nomadism produced positive/practical results. Herders' families began to live in normal domestic conditions, could use banyas, attend movies, etc." town life better for nursing babies "But the liquidation of daily life of nomadism also had negative side. The preservation of productive nomadism long time separated herders from their families, which affected the moral constitution of the family and didn't solve the problem of daily life of the herder himself." 188 picture of man in suit posing in front of a skin tent (square), with stovepipe out top description of such, and its use around the okrug in herding 189 photo fo herder with transistor radio problem of new portable housing that meets cultural and sanitary requirements: small shelters in strategic locations around the migration routes of herds tractors and air transport provides more and better supplies to herd including entertainment, live, kino 190 herding bases: house, banya, storehouse photo of "subbotnik" raising (power?) poles Social life of the village 191 take part in typical soviet life village intelligentsia guide the people in their development women's groups include lots of natives 192 indigenous people have trouble managing household budget women's soviet helps manage money by purchasing things they need, like furniture, clothes, linens, kolkhoz takes active control of those families who can't manage their expenditures and give them help to establish a budget "Many villages have schools of culture and everyday life. In these local women teach classes on household management, pedagogic theories, medical and other themes." 193 fairs, traditional kinds of festivals "In these games there are many elements of traditional festivals of the Koryaks, for example first fall slaughter, but in these disappeared various magical ceremonies, for example, rituals connected with 'preserving' the herd and people from evil spirits, offering animals in sacrifice, ritual of annointing with blood, getting the 'sacred' fire by friction, feeding with blood and fat the family 'protectors', racers going by the fire and throwing in sacrificial food, and many others. Shamanic activities also underwent interesting transformations. The drum has become an ordinary musical instrument, which is played at festivals and parties for all to dance happily. Among the youth new types of sports are very popular, including cross-country skiing. Festivals of the Red calendar are usually honored, except for the solem/grand (pompous?) parts, with performances by amatuer artistic groups." "The party plays the decisive role in the social life of the village." "Party organs dedicate a great deal of attention to resolving the issues of the development of the culture and transformation of daily life of the indigenous population." "Koryak communists take part in many aspects of social economy; they are the front line of communist labor. Among them are masters of great fish catches, experienced herders, construction workers, culture workers (rabotniki kul'tury)." 194 Chapter 5: Healthcare, Cultural Construction Healthcare "The organization of medical aid and conduction of sanitary education work among the indigenous population was hindered by its general cultural backwardness." 195 in the middle 1920s doctors came to work in Kamchatka as part of the Russian Red Cross 196 Narodnoe obrazavanie (People's Education) most schools were for Russian or Russianized populations, mostly ignoring Koryaks 197 first Koryak school in 1923, by 1925 it had 206 pupils like in other regions of the North, schools took into account indigenous culture, and lessons included sanitary and cultural themes that they would not learn at home "More well-rounded forms of school for the peoples of the North was the invention of the school-internat. School-internats were located under the total care of the state. Children there received free of charge food, clothing, linens. Close contacts with pedagogues in classroom activities fostered a faster learning of the Russian language, gradually freed them from superstition and prejudice. Teachers instilled sannitary skills: washing hands, brushing teeth, bathing, using underwear, etc." 198 nomadic schools were set up for herders to teach children and widen the respect and authority of schools, so that gradually children were freely sent to internats "Pedagogues working in the okrug in the 1930s included such speakers of Koryak as N Bogdanova, S. Stebnitsky, K. Bauerman, and others." use of native language was emphasized, first Okrug congress in April 1932 resolved "Teaching in all native schools shall be conducted in native languages." Stebnitsky established an alphabet as part of his work with the Leningrad Institute of Peoples of the North based upon much research into the various dialects "Chavchuven dialect was used in the founding of a literary Koryak language, since half of all Koryaks spoke it. The alphabit was based on Latin characters, based upon the 'united northern alphabet'/ In 1932 the Scientific-research association of the Institute of Peoples of the North published the first alphebet textbook in Koryak "Jissakalikal" (Red grammar), written by Stebnitsky. Two years later he published a reader, "Kalikal jejgucevn,6kin"." there was orthagraphic work done locally, too In 1931-32 there were testbooks in Kamensky, Karaginsky and Aliutorski (?[sic]) dialects." 199 "In 1937 the Latin alphabet was replaced with one based on Russian. This had a practical significance; children could acquire Russian literacy more quickly." 1939- Korsakov published first Koryak dictionary Koryak students in the Leningrad Institute took part in translating and publishing many books school building were built starting in 1934, 21 schools and internats 1934-27 Mikino, Rekinniki, Anapka had those "circulars" designed by Svin'ina for schools "There occured a great rupture in the consciousness of the population. Koryaks earlier refused to send their children to school, and now they agitated for it, demanding more teachers and helped to build schools." 200 Table 7: # of schools and pupils Year # schools Number of Pupils Total Indigenous 1953/54 91 4027 922 1958/59 65 4543 1389 1964/65 48 5622 2073 1968/69 42 5830 2445 prepatory classes were set up for 6 year-olds to train them in Russian language and how to behave in school 201 photo of schoolchildren in PE outside in a line 1964 - kolkhozes in Lesnaya, Palana, and Voyampolka were united, and the secondary schools were united in Palana as well on the other hand this distant removal of pupils from family has negative side. parents are effectively removed from raising their children, which prevented many youth from aquiring traditional skills asociated with traditional production and herding 202 picture of class reading in Palana school-internat all classes in natinal schools of the okrug are conducted in Russian since 1953 - not enough Koryak-speaking teachers (in 1964 that was 4 out of 157 in Oliutor) also the official dialect, Chavchuven, wasn't understood by many children the cultural backwardness of the past continues today, as evidenced by the high number of indigenous pupils repeating grades or failing to keep up with curriculum 203 picture of preschool Cultural-educational institutions followed outlines typical among Northern peoples 204 kul'tbaza - political and educational center in most backwards area--Penzhina River 205 Red Yaranga 1967 had 15 each villages has a club for movies, youth disco, amatuer ensembles, schools of culture and everyday life, civic festivities 206 okrug paper "Koryak Communist" founded in 1935 National Cadres preparation began in the 30s at the Institute of Peoples of the North in Leningrad (1930-41) about 10/year peduchilishche in Nikolaevsk on the Amur worked as teachers and party & governmental administrators 1935 - peduchilishche established in Tigil especially for training indigenous teachers for national schools in postwar years most Koryaks received higher ed in Far East: Khavarovsk, Vladivostok, P-K recently (1960s) some Koryaks have started med school also Gerzen 207 "Okrug administrators paid special attention to the preperation of professional-technical cadres for the needs of kolkhos and sovkhos productoin-deer herders, animal farmers, tractor operators, boat pilots, mechanics, accountant workers, and others. Cadres for the agricultural development are prepared by the Okrug SPTU (cel'skokhosiaistvennoe professional'no-tekhnicheskoe uchilishche) in Palana." "Koryak youth successfully take on the professions of tractor operator, motorist, movie projector operator, and others." Currently special significance is laid on training youth for the industries most important to the economic development of the okrug-fishing and herding. If more Koryaks were trained fishermen, then there would be less need to rely on expensive seasonal labor. There are not nearly enough reindeer herders for this growing industry. There are not enough youth studying in order to learn from the older generation. Forms of National Culture "Comprehensive general education, liquidation of illiteracy, and the founding of a national intelligentsia very clearly attest to the level of contemporary state of culture of Koryaks. Koryaks, like other peoples of the North, have in a short period of time have become a part of socialist culture, which they have enriched with their own national culture. The means of entering the new culture is the Russian language. Only with its help has it been possible to learn and master the wealth of technical, scientific, and artistic 208 literature. Under the impact of the Russian language among Koryaks one of the basic elements of their traditional culture received future development-their own native language. It was significantly enrichened with new technical, socio-political, and everyday terminology. In such a manner, the vocabulary of the Koryak language grew greatly. "The Russian language is widely distribted among Koryaks as the means of international communication. Knowledge of it provides school and close contact with the Russian population in productive and social life. The middle and younger generations of Koryaks (true, not all are at the same level) command Russian. Older generations know it significantly less. Among elders frequently can one meet people who don't understand Russian speech at all." claims nearly all Koryaks know their language radio and press in Koryak is an important part of propaganda, in order to reach those who poorly or not all know Russian, like herders and many women "The development of the artistic strength of the Koryak people, roused by the revolution, was manifested in such forms of national culture as artistic literature, inventive art, and amatuer theater. "The origin of Koryak national literature is related to the beginning of the 1930s. Students at the Institute of Peoples ofthe North were the first Koryak writers: Ketsai Kekketyn, L. Zhukov, I Barannikov, Kechgaiat Nutev'in. The founded their own ouvre in native language. 209 Their art is closely connected with the rich and beautiful Koryak folklore. Kechgaiat Nutev'in put together a collection "Apolwajamkenaw L'mnLo" (Skazki koriakov Apuki, 1936), I Barannikov, "Amamkhotlymn?ylo" (Skazki ob Ememkute, 1940)." Ketsai Kekketyn "Vatq'l?an k'n,ewcit" (Posledniaia bitva, 1936); "Evn?yto val'yn" (Evnito batrak, 1936); "Khoialkhot" (1939) L. Zhukov, "Notaime" (1938) "The first Koryak poet was Innokentii Yaganov (1929-1963), in youth a fisherman and hunter from Lesnaya, for which he did radio." "In current times the most famous poet is Vladimir Kosygin (V. Koyanto). He was born in a family of Karaginsky Koryaks, finished Pedagogical Institute Herzen. In his art are lirical motifs, painting the beaufty of Kamchatkan nature and the new life of the Koryak people." There aren't any famous Koryak artists yet, but there are some talented youth, including K. Kilpalin (Aliutor). "Amatuer performance ensembles have received wide development in the Koryak National Okrug in the last 10 years. There is an ensemble working at every club." recently some of these ensembles have begun touring fishing and herding brigades for their cultural enrichment "The okrug house of people's arts founded a national ensemble." 210 photo of 4 girls in tights posed in classic dance position, attended by you female teacher. caption: "Practice of the ensemble Mengo" "From national form of art a second birth received Koryak traditional dance. Dance-pantomimes were famous among Koryaks since ancient times. They were part of the majority of promyslovii festivals." "During these performances everyone was performaners. There was no audience. Now many dances have been choreographed for the stage. KOryak ensembles have staged such dances as Norgali, Ducks, Deer Fawn, Master Seemstress, Girl and Seal, and others. Their recordings, analysis, and composition was done by T. Petrova-Bytova, who recorded a large 211 research and study of national dances of small peoples of the NOrth. setting was by T. Lukashkina and words by G. Porotov (both Itelmen by nationality) 1967 - first performance of the ballet Mengo, based on the oral stories of Koryak by ballet master A. Gil "Dancers in the ballet were Koryaks, Itelmens, Evens" it won natinal prizes and local adulation "People's artist of the RSFSR R. Zakharov said this about the premier, "The birth of the first Koryak national ballet, concurrent with the 50th annivesary of Great October,-that is a great achievement in athe life of all Soviet art." Antropova 1971 24